The Geopolitical Role of Middle Eastern and North African Countries in Regional Security (Case Study: Iran and the Arabs)

Document Type : Research Paper

Authors

1 Associate Professor of Political Geography, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran

2 Master of Political Geography, Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran, Iran

Abstract

Introduction
Throughout history, the often presence of "power" and "wealth" alongside "ideology" and "competition" has led to the formation of hostile relations between countries. Among the regions of the world, the Middle East and North Africa have more complicated relationships to achieve security due to the presence of countries with special characteristics. In this situation, if wrong strategies are adopted by the powers in this region, the result will be unsolvable. As we approach the third decade of the twenty-first century, headlines from the Middle East are dramatic and worrisome, often characterized by upheaval and change. The MENA are sensitive areas of security and energy in the world, which have witnessed many tensions and conflicts. Some contemporary examples of this are Palestinian occupation, Iran–Iraq War, invasion of Kuwait, the United States’ invasion of Afghanistan, the United States’ 2003 invasion of Iraq, the Arab Spring, and the emergence of Islamist groups like Taliban and ISIL. Middle Eastern and North Africa countries have very complex relationships with each other. In order to secure their interests and security, each of the countries in the region seeks political and security cooperation with other countries. On the other hand, countries with higher geopolitical weights will be more influential. Therefore, in order to reveal the reciprocal and constructive relationship between the countries of the region on the one hand and security on the other, the concepts of "region" and "security" must be opened. Finally, this paper evaluates the interaction between the security of the Arab countries and Iran, one of the most influential poles in the region, which has led to major changes in the geopolitical relations of the region. In so doing, it looks at the security situation in the region in light of these developments, trying to find out what historical, social, and economic factors explain these similarities and the differences.
Methodology
The descriptive-analytical research method and the reliability of the research were evaluated through quasi-Delphi's questionnaire, while the reliability of its assessment tool was measured via Cronbach's alpha test. The situation of security discourses in Iran and Arab countries in the region was assessed with three values: solidarity (1), negative solidarity (1), and non-solidarity (0). Ten countries got selected through the questionnaire and the numerical weighting of the Likert scale (between 0 and 5) was performed, resulting in the coefficients of "geopolitical weight in the region" and "communication with Iran". To measure the reliability of the statistical test questionnaire with Spearman-Brown's prediction of 0.75, Cronbach's alpha coefficient of 0.72 (acceptable) was achieved. All findings were analyzed with Excel, then to convert to a concept model in the form of a diagram by iThoughtsX and Ps 2018 software programs. Statistical population included experts and students, giving a sample community of 10 professors and 20 students for "Convenience Sampling" method with a questionnaire (engaging 5 professors and 10 students) and "non-structured interview" (involving the remaining 5 professors and 10 Students).
Results and Discussion
Since 1979, Iran has reduced poverty, expanding its middle class and literacy rates, which has boosted its power. Iran, as a growing power, and Saudi Arabia may remain two powerful and influential states in the region that are grappling with instability. However, they are at odds with each other on a variety of issues. Recent developments in the Middle East are a manifestation of the "conflict" pattern. As another pole, Saudi Arabia alone cannot play a geopolitical role due to its low geopolitical weight, compared to Iran. Given the combination of communication and geopolitical weight, this description correctly shows that there is a weak connection between the two influential poles of the region, namely Iran and Saudi Arabia. On the other hand, it should be noted that according to Buzan's theory, poles in the Middle East and North Africa determine the direction of the region. This means defining the region's borderlines by two conflicting powers. In this regard, Iran can take into account its geopolitical weight and national strength and recognize its true position in order to have a realistic assessment of the existing threats and opportunities.
Conclusion
Unfortunately, pieces of evidence show that the region's political systems do not work for collective security. The geopolitical limitation of the region can be seen in lack of sufficient attention to the "position" and "role" of Iran by the Arab countries of the region. In other words, the countries of the region are aware of the influential geopolitical role of Iran, but are weak in terms of their relationship with this role. The key to achieving this security in the region is realization of convergence and the growth of the positive correlation coefficient with Iran in both groups of countries with "negative" and "cross-sectional" interactions which paves the way for convergence and access to regional security in the Middle East and North Africa security complexes. If this happens, it will lead to a further convergence with Europe and the international community. The results show that Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Jordan, Egypt, and Morocco are in the same group. Also, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, Libya, Tunisia, and Algeria are present in a cross-sectional communication group. At one time, these countries were pro-Iranian and at other times pro-Saudi. Generally, they follow the "principle of national interests" and the "principle of ideology". Finally, there are counties like Iraq, Palestine, Syria, Lebanon, and Yemen, which in most cases have aligned themselves with Iran's goals.

Keywords

Main Subjects


  1. آرم، آرمینا، ۱۳۹۵، ایران و عربستان، رقابت بر سر نفوذ در خاورمیانه، فصلنامة سیاست، دورة ۳، ش 9، صص ۷۳-۸۱.
  2. احمدی‏پور، زهرا؛ قادری، حاجت؛ مختاری هشی، مصطفی و مختاری هشی، حسین، 1389، تحلیل ژئوپلیتیکی فرصت‏ها و چالش‏های همگرایی در جنوب غرب آسیا، دوفصل‏نامة علمی‏ـ پژوهشی پژوهش‏های بومشناسی شهری، دورة اول، ش اول، صص 77-108.
  3. عظمی، هادی؛ زرقانی، سیدهادی و دبیری، علی‏اکبر، 1391، تحلیل اولویت‏های منطقه‏ای و دیدگاه‏های ژئوپلیتیک در شکل‏دهی به سازمان‏های منطقه‏ای نمونة موردی: سازمان همکاری شانگ‏های، پژوهش‏نامة ایرانی سیاست بین‏الملل، دورة اول، ش اول، صص 2-25.
  4. فشردی، محمدحسین و مدنی، سیدمصطفی، ۱۳۸۸، ساختار نظام قدرت منطقه‏ای در خاورمیانه (با تأکید بر کشورهای برتر منطقه)، فصل‏نامة مدرس علوم انسانی، دورة ۳، ش ۱۳، صص ۱۱۳-۲۵۶.
  5. بوزان، باری؛ ویور، الی و دو ویلد، یاپ، ۱۳۹۲، چارچوبی تازه برای تحلیل امنیت، ترجمة علیرضا طیب، پژوهشکدة مطالعات راهبردی، تهران.
  6. حاجی‏یوسفی، امیرمحمد، 1390، تحولات روابط ترکیه و اسرائیل در دهة اخیر و پیامدهای آن برای ایران، فصل‏نامة روابط خارجی، دورة ۳، ش ۲، صص ۷۵-۱۰۴.
  7. حافظ‏نیا، محمدرضا و کاویانی، مراد، 1383، افق‏های جدید در جغرافیای سیاسی، سازمان مطالعه و تدوین کتب و علوم انسانی دانشگاه‏ها (سمت)، تهران.
  8. حافظ‏نیا، محمدرضا، ۱۳۹۶، اصول و مفاهیم ژئوپلیتیک (ویرایش جدید با تجدیدنظر)، مشهد: پاپلی.
  9. حافظ‏نیا، محمدرضا، 1385، اصول و مفاهیم ژئوپلیتیک، مشهد: پاپلی.
  10. چگنی‏زاده، غلامعلی؛ تاجیک، هادی و نبوی، سید مهدی، 1395، تأثیر تحولات سوریه بر الگوی تعاملی میان ایران و ترکیه، الگوی مفهومی و نظری، فصل‏نامة آفاق امنیت، دورة 6، ش21، صص 61-110.
  11. دهنوی، علی‏اکبر، ۱۳۹۶، تبیین مفهوم و شناخت مؤلفه‏های ژئوپلیتیک غذا، پایان‏نامة کارشناسی ارشد گروه آموزشی جغرافیا رشتة جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد.
  12. ساعی، احمد و علیخانی، مهدی، ۱۳۹۲، بررسی چرخة تعارض در روابط جمهوری اسلامی ایران و عربستان سعودی با تأکید بر دورة 1392ـ1384، فصل‏نامة تخصصی علوم سیاسی، دورة نهم، ش ۲۲، صص ۱۰۳-۱۲۹.
  13. سازمند، بهاره و جوکار، مهدی، ۱۳۹۵، مجموعة امنیتی‏۰ منطقه‏ای، پویش‏ها و الگوهای روابط کشورهای حوزة خلیج ‏فارس، فصل‏نامة بین‏المللی ژئوپلیتیک، دورة 12، ش 42، 151-177.
  14. طاهایی، سیدجواد، ۱۳۹۲، نقد نظریة امنیت ملی، مرکز تحقیقات استراتژیک، دورة ۱، ش ۵، صص 261-۳۳۵.
  15. عزتی، عزت‏الله، 1380، ژئوپلیتیک در قرن بیست‏ویکم، تهران: سمت.
  16. قاسمی، فرهاد، ۱۳۹۱، اصول روابط بین‏الملل، تهران: میزان.
  17. کوزهگر کالجی، ولی، 1389، استقرار سیستم دفاع موشکی ناتو در ترکیه: دلایل و پیامدها، تهران، مرکز تحقیقات استراتژیک، معاونت پژوهش‏های سیاست خارجی، گزارش راهبردی 336، ص ۴.
  18. ماندل، رابرت، 1387، چهرة متغیر امنیت ملی، مترجم پژوهشکدة مطالعات راهبردی، تهران: پژوهشکدة مطالعات راهبردی.
  19. محمدنژاد، محمدعلی و نوروزی، محمدتقی، 1378، فرهنگ استراتژی، تهران: سکنا.
  20. مستقیمی، بهرام و ملکی، قوام، 1387، امکان‏سنجی شکل‏گیری سامانة منطقه‏ای در اکو، مطالعات اوراسیای مرکزی، مرکز مطالعات عالی بین‏المللی، دانشکدة حقوق و علوم سیاسی، دورة ۱، ش ۲، صص ۱۲۳-۱۴۲.
  21. میرحیدر، دره، ۱۳۷۵، مبانی جغرافیای سیاسی، تهران: سازمان مطالعه و تدوین کتب و علوم انسانی دانشگاه‏ها (سمت).
  22. میرزاخانی سیلاب، رسول، ۱۳۹۲، تأثیر ساختار ژئوپلیتیک منطقه‏ای ترکیه بر امنیت ملی جمهوری اسلامی ایران، سیدجواد صالحی، پایان‏نامة کارشناسی ارشد در رشتة علوم سیاسی- مطالعات منطقه‏ای، دانشگاه شیراز.

23. Afshardi, M. Hossein and Madani, S. M., 2009, The Structure of the Regional Power System in the Middle East (with Emphasis on the Top Countries in the Region), Quarterly Journal of the Teacher of Humanities, Vol. 3, No. 13, PP. 113-256.

24. Ahmadipour, Z.; Ghaderi H.; Mokhtari Hashi, M. and Mokhtari Hashi, H., 2010, Geopolitical Analysis of Convergence Opportunities and Challenges in Southwest Asia, Bi-Quarterly Journal of Urban Ecological Research, Vol. 1, No. 1, PP. 77-108.

25. Arm, A., 2016, Iran and Saudi Arabia, Competition for Influence in the Middle East, Quarterly Policy Quarterly, Vol. 3, No. 9, PP. 73-81.

26. Azami, H.; Zarghani, S. H. and Dabiri, A. A., 2012, Analysis of Regional Priorities and Geopolitical Perspectives in Forming Regional Organizations Case Study: Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Iranian Journal of International Politics, Vol. 1, No. 1, PP. 2-25.

27. Bozan, Bari, Elie Weaver and Yap de Wilde 2013, A New Framework for Security Analysis, translated by Alireza Tayeb, Institute for Strategic Studies, Tehran.

28. Chegnizadeh, Gholam Ali, Tajik, Hadi and Nabavi, Seyed Mehdi, 2016, The effect of Syrian developments on the interactive model between Iran and Turkey, a conceptual and theoretical model, Security Horizons Quarterly, Vol. 6, No. 21, PP. 61-110.

29. Dehnavi, A. A., 2017, Explaining the concept and understanding of the geopolitical components of food., M.Sc. Thesis, Department of Geography, Department of Political Geography. Mashhad Ferdowsi University.

30. Ezzati, E., 2001, Geopolitics in the 21st Century. Tehran: SAMT.

31. Ghasemi, F., 2012, Principles of International Relations, Tehran, Mizan, Tehran.

32. Hafeznia, M. R. and Kaviani, M., 2004, New Horizons in Political Geography, Organization for the Study and Compilation of University Books and Humanities (Samt), Tehran.

33. Hafeznia, M. R., 2006, Geopolitical Principles and Concepts, Papli Publications, Mashhad.

34. Hafeznia, M. R., 2017, Principles and concepts of geopolitics (new edition with revision), Papoli Publications, Mashhad.

35. Haji Yousefi, A. M., 2011, Developments in Turkish-Israeli Relations in the Last Decade and Its Consequences for Iran, Foreign Relations Quarterly, Vol. 3, No. 2, PP. 75-104.

36. Koozegar College, Vali, 2010, Establishment of NATO Missile Defense System in Turkey: Reasons and Consequences, Tehran. Strategic Research Center, Deputy Foreign Policy Research, Strategic Report 336. p.4.

37. Mandel, R., 2008, Variable Face of National Security, Translator of Strategic Studies Research Institute, Tehran: Strategic Studies Research Institute, Tehran.

38. Mir Heydar, D., 1996, The basic themes in political geoghrapy, Samat, Tehran.

39. Mohammad Nejad, M. A. and Norouzi, M. T., 1999, Strategy Culture, Sekna, Tehran.

40. Mostagimi, B. and Maleki, G., 2008, Feasibility Study of Formation of Regional System in ECO, Central Eurasian Studies, Central Eurasia Studies, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Vol. 1, No. 2, PP. 123-142.

41. Saei, A. and Alikhani, M., 2013, A Study of the Conflict Cycle in the Relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia with Emphasis on the Period of 1394-1382, SpecializedQuarterly Journal of Political Science, Vol. 9, No. 22, PP. 103-129.

42. Sazmand, Bahareh and Mehdi Jokar, 2016. Regional Security Collection, Scanners and Pattern Relations Models of the Persian Gulf Countries. International Journal of Geopolitics, Vol. 12, No. 42, PP. 151-177.

43. Tahaei, S. J., 2013, Critique of National Security Theory. Strategic Research Center, Vol. 1, No. 5, PP. 335-261.

44. Mirzakhani Silab, R., 2013, The Impact of Turkey's Geopolitical Structure on the National Security of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Seyed Javad Salehi, M.Sc. Thesis in Political Science - Regional Studies, Shiraz University.

45. Almezaini, K. S. and Rickli, Jean-Marc, 2016, The small gulf states: Foreign and security policies before and after the Arab Spring, Routledge, British.

46. Angrist, M. P., (Ed.), 2019, Politics & society in the contemporary Middle East. Lynne Rienner Publishers, Boulder USA.

47. Beininand, J. and Vairel, F., 2013, Social movements. mobilization. and contestation in the Middle East and North Africa, Stanford University Press, United State.

48. Bello, V., 2017, International Migration and International Security: Why Prejudice Is a Global Security Threat, Taylor and Francis Publisher, England.

49. Bilgin, P., 2004, Whose ‘Middle East’? Geopolitical inventions and practices of security, International Relations, SAGE Publications, Vol. 18, No. 1, PP. 25-41.

50. Buzan, B., 2003, Regional security complex theory in the post-cold war world, In Theories of new regionalism. Springer: Palgrave Macmillan, London.

51. Buzan, B.; Wæver, O.; Wæver, O. and De Wilde, Jaap, 1998, Security: A new framework for analysis. Lynne Rienner Publishers, Boulder USA.

52. CRS Report for congress, 2008, Iran: Ethnic and Religious Minorities, Updated November 25, Hussein D. Hassan Information Research Specialist Knowledge Services Group.

53. Heller, M., 2008, How to Avoid the Emergence of a Regional Power. The Case of Israel in the Middle East. In Regional Power Network Conference: Regional Powers in Asia, Latin America, the Near and Middle East, Hamburg, Vol. 15, PP. 16.

54. Koch, C., 2020, Stabilising the Contemporary Middle East and North Africa: Regional Actors and New Approaches. Palgrave Macmillan, Germany.

55. Koolaee, E., 2011, Iran's role in energy security at regional and global levels. Iranian Economic Review, Vol. 15, No. 28, PP. 95-115.

56. Pearse, C. K., 1971, Grazing in the Middle East: past, present, and future, Rangeland Ecology and Management/Journal of Range Management Archives, Vol. 24, No. 1, PP. 13-16.

57. Scholvin, S., 2016, Geopolitics: An overview of concepts and empirical examples from international relations, The Finnish Institute of International Affairs, Finnish.

58. US NATO Military Terminology Group, 2010, JP 1 (02) "Dictionary of Military and Associated 1.1 Terms", 2001, Pentagon, Washington: Joint Chiefs of Staff, US Department of Defense 2010 Sep. pp. 361. Washington, USA.

59. World Bank Definition: (منا) MENA, 2014, Worldbank.org, Archived from the original on, Retrieved 28 November 2014.

60. https://www.dni.gov/index.php/the-next-five-years/middle-east-and-north-africa

61. https://fa.shafaqna.com/news/687671

62. https://wikimili.com/en/Western_Asia, Data for "15 West Asian countries", from Maddison (2003 ,2007).Angus Maddison ,2003 ,The World Economy: Historical Statistics , Vol. 2, OECD, Paris, ISBN 92-64-10412-7. putehelle.firebaseapp.com.