Qualitative analysis of the causes and consequences of Kolbari in Iran (Case study: Nowsud border area, Kermanshah province)

Extended Abstract

Introduction

Borders, as strategic areas, hold significant geopolitical, economic, and cultural importance and play a key role in trade, production, and tourism. In border regions, poverty, unemployment, and limited infrastructure lead residents to adopt alternative livelihood strategies, often involving high-risk activities such as cross-border carrying (Kolbari). Rural and mountainous areas, with natural constraints and a lack of diversified economic opportunities, create conditions conducive to Kolbari. The Nowsud region in Kermanshah Province exemplifies this situation, characterized by limited employment opportunities, dependence on small-scale agriculture and livestock, and access to both formal and informal cross-border trade routes. This study examines the causes driving border residents of Nowsud toward Kolbari and the social and economic consequences of both formal and informal Kolbari in the area. By simultaneously analyzing formal and informal Kolbari and mapping its multi-layered network—including traders, intermediaries, various types of carriers, and local and national actors—this research investigates the structural, institutional, and network dimensions of Kolbari within the border geography of Nowsud.



Methodology

This applied, descriptive-analytical study employs a qualitative ethnographic approach. Data were collected through literature review, participant observation, semi-structured interviews, and field notes from kolbars in nine border villages of Nowsud (2,718 people in 914 households), with purposive sampling until theoretical saturation (15 interviews). Credibility and reliability were ensured through participant validation and cross-coding. Thematic analysis identified the main causes and consequences of both formal and informal kolbari practices.



Results and discussion

The findings indicate that cross-border labor (kolbari) in the Nowsud border region is shaped primarily by economic, geo-political, socio-cultural, and legal-regulatory factors. About 75% of participants identified “lack of formal and stable employment,” low income, and insufficient government investment as the main reasons for engaging in kolbari. Geographic constraints, mountainous routes, harsh climatic conditions, and weak employment policies further sustain this activity, while traditional and familial structures have normalized kolbari as an accepted livelihood. Therefore, kolbari is more a response to structural constraints than a voluntary occupational choice, requiring policies that go beyond purely security-based approaches, including sustainable development, regional equity, and economic and cultural empowerment.

The kolbari network is multi-layered, encompassing professional informal kolbars, official kolbars with customs permits, kolbars using animals, seasonal, forced, occasional, and recreational kolbars. Local residents’ participation is limited, with most kolbars coming from distant towns and provinces, sometimes renting accommodations or traveling in groups. The network involves commercial and transport actors—traders, intermediaries, vehicle owners, warehouse operators—as well as regulatory actors, including border forces and legal authorities. In all cases, the greatest profits go to traders and intermediaries, while kolbars receive the least share. Official kolbari provides low income but higher security, whereas informal kolbari yields higher income but greater risk.

This study shows that kolbari is embedded in local economic and social structures, and effective policies must include economic development, legal reforms, and the organization of activities to ensure equity and security for border communities.



Conclusion

The causes of smuggling in the Nowsud border region can be analyzed from economic, geo-political, socio-cultural, and legal-regulatory perspectives. Low income, widespread unemployment, lack of investment, and limited formal job opportunities are the main drivers of smuggling. Natural constraints, mountainous routes, and weak employment policies sustain this phenomenon, while family and traditional structures, low education levels, and the absence of supportive institutions act as socio-cultural factors. Ambiguous laws and inadequate supervision also allow smuggling to continue.

Smuggling has a multi-layered structure, including professional, official, animal-assisted, seasonal, forced, occasional, and recreational smugglers. Professional informal smugglers earn higher incomes but face greater risks, whereas official smugglers have security and regulated working hours. The smuggling network involves commercial-transport and legal-regulatory actors, with the largest profits accruing to traders and intermediaries, while smugglers receive minimal share.

The consequences of smuggling span economic, social-family, health-safety, and cultural dimensions. Key impacts include low income, school dropout among children, physical and psychological hazards, and intergenerational poverty. Smuggling is more than a mere occupational choice; it is a response to economic deprivation, geographic constraints, and weak policy frameworks. Effective interventions must combine sustainable development, economic and cultural empowerment, legal reform, and organized management of both local and non-local smugglers.



Funding

There is no financial support associated with this research.



Authors’ Contribution

Since this article is derived from a thesis, the first author, as a thesis student, played the main role; the second and fourth authors acted as the first and second supervisors, and the third author acted as the consulting professor.



Conflict of Interest

The authors declared no conflicts of interest in relation to this article.



Acknowledgments

The authors of the study express their sincere gratitude and appreciation to all the respected participants who assisted the researchers at various stages of the study.