The Position of Geopolitical Actors and Conflicting Interests in Syria

ABSTRACT
Over many years, changes in one global region have had a direct and vital impact on other regions of the world, particularly neighbouring areas. One of the most prominent examples of such effects emerged following the Arab Uprisings in West Asia and North Africa, which subsequently spilled over into Syria. The developments in Syria have not only altered the country's political situation but have also had significant influences on the geopolitical and geostrategic domains of the West Asian region, drawing considerable attention among regional and extra-regional actors. Consequently, the Syrian conflict has come to be recognised as one of the most complex geopolitical issues in West Asia, leading to the exacerbation of numerous problems, including the multiple interventions of regional and extra-regional actors in Syria's domestic politics. Thus, efforts to change the political system in Syria have had a profound impact on the trajectory of the internal crisis and the emergence of armed groups such as ISIS and Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS). Therefore, this study seeks to examine the geopolitical interests of actors involved in the Syrian crisis using descriptive and analytical methods, and to analyse how the effects of this crisis and the conflicting interests of the actors have led to the intensification of the conflict. Accordingly, the present research suggests that the crisis, originating from its internal roots in 2011, has transformed into a multifaceted conflict through the intervention of domestic and international actors, with each actor playing a role based on its specific geopolitical interests, thereby exacerbating the crisis.
Extended Abstract
Introduction
With the beginning of the Syrian crisis, the country has transformed from a political unit into a multi-level competition arena, and “domestic, regional and trans-regional” actors have become interventionist. The characteristics of the crisis include the multi-layered nature of the conflict levels, such as “ethnic, sectarian, ideological and political” conflicts within the country, and secondly, the increasing intervention of foreign powers, each of which, by supporting proxy actors, seeks to secure its own geopolitical interests. The Syrian crisis has become a paradoxical situation; on the one hand, the country has become a fragile unit in the regional order, whose sovereignty and territorial integrity have been under constant threat since the fall of Bashar al-Assad, and on the other hand, it has become a global geopolitical focal point as an arena for competition between multiple actors. The interests of the actors in Syria cannot be separated; rather, they are interconnected in a complex matrix. These conflicting interests are defined based on the perceived threats by each actor and the opportunities available in the Syrian geopolitical space.
 
Methodology
The present study is of the "descriptive and analytical" type, and its main goal is to analyze the position of geopolitical actors in Syria and explain their conflicting interests. Therefore, the present study is based on the explanation and analytical understanding of complex power relations in the post-Assad space. Data collection is based on the library method and utilizes secondary sources. The research data were primarily extracted through the study of documents, books, scientific articles, and other relevant sources. In data analysis, an attempt has been made to extract the behavioral patterns of actors and the internal logic of their geopolitical policies in Syria through the theoretical frameworks available in geopolitical and international relations studies, such as the theory of "realism, critical geopolitics, and narrative analysis."
 
Results and discussion
The fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime can be interpreted as a turning point in the transfer of power and a change in the geopolitical balance between regional and trans-regional actors. Despite its efforts to maintain its influence in Syria through institutional and security ties with the remnants of the government and militias, the Islamic Republic of Iran is gradually facing strategic constraints resulting from US pressure, the Turkish military presence, and continuous Israeli attacks.
The distinction of the present study is based on examining the post-crisis phase and the fall of the Assad regime, which analyzes the transformation in the power structure, the emergence of new actors, and the redefinition of power relations within the framework of the government of “Ahmad al-Sharaa.” While previous studies have mainly focused on analyzing the war period and the role of actors in the continuation of the crisis, this study shows that after the fall of Assad, the type of competition has changed from military to “political, economic, and symbolic” and Syria has become an area of complex geopolitical interactions at the regional level. The innovation of the present study lies in simultaneously explaining the intersecting links of interests and geopolitical conflicts during the reconstruction phase of Syria, a phase in which no actor can control the power structure alone and is still forced into competitive coexistence.
 
Conclusion
With the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime and the coming to power of a new government in Syria, a new page in Syria’s geopolitical equations has been opened. The Islamic Republic of Iran, which was a prominent player in the “political and military” arena during the Assad era, is now facing serious obstacles due to continuous Israeli attacks and the blocking of land and air routes by the United States, and its influence has decreased significantly. In contrast, Russia, which has maintained its military bases in Syria, is trying to consolidate its positions with the new government. The Turkish government, which was one of the supporters of Bashar al-Assad’s opponents, is trying to maintain its position in the northern regions of Syria and prevent the formation of a Kurdish-dominated region near its borders. Saudi Arabia and some Gulf countries, which played an active role in supporting the opposition, are realistically seeking to rebuild diplomatic relations with the new Damascus so as not to fall behind in the geopolitical competition with “Iran and Turkey” in Syria. The United States, which exercises some of its influence through its support for Kurdish forces in northeastern Syria, has been monitoring developments in the new government, and its policy is likely to be aimed at containing Iranian influence and gradually rebuilding the Syrian political environment. During the Assad era, the European Union emphasized diplomatic isolation of Damascus and economic sanctions, and is working to rebuild and review its policy towards the government of Ahmed al-Sharaa within the framework of humanitarian interests.
 
Funding
There is no funding support.
 
Authors’ Contribution
Authors contributed equally to the conceptualization and writing of the article. All of the authors approved the content of the manuscript and agreed on all aspects of the work declaration of competing interest none.
 
Conflict of Interest
Authors declared no conflict of interest.
 
Acknowledgments
We are grateful to all the scientific consultants of this paper.