A Study of Geopolitical and Geo-economic Competitions of China and India in Eurasia: Connection Corridors and Geopolitics of Chabahar and Gwadar Ports

Document Type : Research Paper

Author

Associate Professor of Political Geography, Payame Noor University, Iran

Abstract

Introduction
In the last two decades, China and India, two countries with high economic growth, huge economy, and extensive trade, have emerged as two Asian powers and even global powers. Both countries have great regional and global ambitions. China is pursuing a new system of power relations and international relations through its Belt and Road Initiative, while India is trying to create a new convergence of power relations with its Asian policy, while expanding its sphere of influence. Both countries pursue a policy of connecting and accessing Eurasia's geopolitical areas by adopting a geo-economic strategy. In this context, Pakistan and Iran have become appropriate options for creating connection corridors in Eurasia by China and India, with two main points being Gwadar and Chabahar ports. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to investigate and explain the geopolitical and geo-economic competition between China and India in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and the International North-South Transport Corridor and to investigate the role of both Chabahar and Gwadar ports in this competition.
The two major Asian economies and powers have focused on connection corridors to expand their sphere of influence, export surplus products, have access to large consumer markets, secure the supply of sustainable energy, and pursue national interests in peripheral areas. Decision makers and strategists within the Chinese government have proposed China-Pakistan Economic Corridor project, based on the Port of Gwadar. This corridor is an important part of a major Silk Road reconstruction project, called "One Belt One Road" or "Belt and Road Initiative". In contrast, the Indians proposed the "International North-South Transport Corridor" with its focus on Chabahar Port and the land of Iran. China's presence at Gwadar Port and India's presence at  Chabahar Port are analyzed and explored in the context of China and India's geopolitical and geo-economics competitions in South Asia and access to Eurasia. Therefore, this study seeks to explain the geopolitical and geo-economics competitions of China and India in these corridors as well as the geopolitical role of Gwadar and Chabahar ports in this competition.
Methods and Material
The study focuses on two China-Pakistan economic corridors and International North–South Transport Corridor in Pakistan and Iran. The two oceanic ports of Gwadar and Chabahar are at the heart of this article. The research uses descriptive-analytical method with its data, collected in a library manner.
Results and Discussion
The starting point of the International North–South Transport Corridor onshore route is Chabahar Port in southeastern Sistan and Baluchistan Province. The closest Iranian city to India, Chabahar is the only oceanic port in Iran. The geographical location and high potential of transit make the Indians pay special attention to Chabahar port. In addition, India's long-standing rivalry with Pakistan in the Gwadar Port as well as massive Chinese investment in that port have increased the Indian government's incentive to develop Chabahar port so as to access Central Asian and Eurasian markets. Accordingly, Chabahar is India's "golden gateway" to the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and Afghanistan with broad potentials for connecting business centers in South Asia (India), the Gulf region (Dubai), Central Asia, and Afghanistan. Therefore, Chabahar port is of particular geostrategic, geopolitical, and geo-economic importance for India. This is especially evident when the port is seen in the context of the geopolitical and geo-economic competitions of China and India. From this point of view, Chabahar is a focal point and gateway for the Indians who do not want to miss it easily.
The two governments of China and Pakistan signed an agreement in 2013 to activate the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, whereby the Corridor Development Project will include establishment of a railroad, motorway, and energy pipeline linking the port city of Gwadar in Balochistan Province, Pakistan, to the Chinese city of Kashgar in Xinjiang Province in western China. The Gwadar Port plays a central role in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. This port will play a key role in China-Pakistan strategic relationship, being pivotal for the future of China-Pakistan strategic relations and sustainable economy. China's widespread investment in the Gwadar Port, China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, and the Karakoram Highway is more than just an economic issue. China pursues broad strategic, geopolitical, and geo-economic goals in the project in medium and long term. Geopolitically, China's relationship with Pakistan to build the Gwadar Port is a strategic focal point in Belt and Road Initiative. On the one hand, it is a gateway to the Arabian Sea, the Persian Gulf, Western Asia, South Asia, and Indian Ocean, and on the other hand, the starting point for easy access to western China and Karakoram plain as well as easy trade with Central Asian countries.
Conclusion
The results show that India is working to improve its geopolitical and geo-economic weight against China and Pakistan through Chabahar Port and Iran’s Corridor. India tries to achieve a regional balance of power with China through Iran’s space and Chabahar Port.

Keywords

References

1. احمدی، سید عباس و احمدی، ابراهیم، 1396، بررسی توانمندی‌های راهبردی منطقة آزاد چابهار در راستای وزن ژئوپلیتیکی و قدرت ملی ایران (از منظر داخلی، منطقه‌ای، و بین‌المللی)، راهبرد، ش 83، صص ۲۳۵-262. 2. امیراحمدیان، بهرام، 1395، ابتکار جادة ابریشم جدید چین: اهداف، موانع، و چالش‌ها، فصل‌نامة مطالعات روابط بین‌الملل، س ۹، ش 36، صص 9-42. 3. خداقلی‌پور، علی‌رضا، 1396، ابتکار کمربند‌- راه چین و تأثیر آن بر منافع ملی جمهوری اسلامی ایران، فصل‌نامة سیاست خارجی، س31، ش 1، صص 17-49. 4. سازمان بنادر و دریانوردی، 1396، گزارش سالانة سازمان بنادر و دریانوردی جمهوری اسلامی ایران: سامانة آمار عملیات، گزارش سال 1396. 5. سازمان بنادر و دریانوردی، 1398، طرح توسعة بندر شهید بهشتی چابهار، در: <https://www.pmo.ir/fa/portsandterminals>. 6. شریعتی‌نیا، محسن، 1395، کمربند اقتصادی جادة ابریشم: زنجیرة ارزش چین‌محور، فصل‌نامة روابط خارجی، س ۸، ش ۳، صص 85-113. 7. فرزین‌نیا، زیبا، 1388، روابط هند و چین: همکاری و رقابت، فصل‌نامة آسیای مرکزی و قفقاز، ش 65، صص 15-46. 8. عبدی، عطاءالله و رجب‌نژاد، ناصر، 1396، تبیین پیامدهای ژئوپلیتیکی سرمایه‌گذاری چین در گوادر و بندر چابهار، جغرافیا و توسعه، ش 46، صص 185-206. 9. موسوی شفایی، مسعود، 1395، ضرورت گذار از ژئوپلیتیک وحشت خاورمیانه‌ای به ژئواکونومی امید آسیایی، فصل‌نامة مطالعات راهبردی، س ۱۹، ش 4، صص 189-192. 10. ویسی، ‌هادی، 1396، بررسی رقابت‌های ژئوپلیتیکی و ژئواکونومی پاکستان و ایران در ایجاد کریدور شمالی‌- جنوبی اورآسیا: مزیت‌ها و تهدیدها، فصل‌نامة ژئوپلیتیک، س ۱۳، ش ۱، صص 101-124. 11. Abdi, A. and Rajabnejad, N., 2017, Explanation of China's Investment Geopolitical Consequences, in Gwadar Port in Chabahar, Geography and Development Iranian Journal, Vol. 15, No. 46, PP. 185-206. 12. Afridi, J. and Bajoria, J., 2010, China-Pakistan relations. Council on Foreign Relations. Retrieved from <http://www.cfr.org/china/china-pakistan-relations/p10070>. 13. Ahmadi, S. A. and Ahmadi, E., 2017, A Study of the Strategic Capabilities of Chabahar Free Zone in Relation to Iran's Geopolitical Weight and National Power (From the Domestic, Regional and International Perspective), Strategy, No. 83, PP. 262-235. 14. Amir Ahmadian, B., 2016, China's New Silk Road Initiative: Goals, Obstacles, and Challenges, International Relations Studies Quarterly, Vol. 9, No. 36, PP. 9-42. 15. Asgarkhani, A. and Ghahramani, M. J. and Ghaderi Hajat, M., 2019, Geo-economic Analysis of China's Foreign Policy, Geopolitics Quarterly, Vol. 14, No. 4, PP. 209-233. 16. Beeson, B., 2018, Geo-economics with Chinese Characteristics: the BRI and China’s Evolving grand Strategy, Economic and Political Studies, Vol. 6, No. 3, PP. 240-256. 17. Bhoothalingam, R., 2016, The Silk Road as a Global Brand, China Report, Vol. 52, No. 1, PP. 45-52. 18. Brzezinski, Z., 1998, The grand Chessboard: American primacy and its geopolitical imperatives. New York, NY: Perseus Books Group. 19. Chaziza, M., 2016, China–Pakistan Relationship: A Game-changer for the Middle East?, Contemporary Review of the Middle East, Vol. 3, No. 2, PP. 147-161. 20. Collin, R.C. and Martin, P., 2012, An Introduction to World Politics: Conflict and Consensus on a Small Planet, Rowman & Littlefield. 21. Cowen, D. and Smith, N., 2009, After Geopolitics? From the Geopolitical Social to Geo-economics, Antipode, Vol. 41, No. 1, PP. 22-48. 22. Csurgai, G., 2017, The Increasing Importance of Geo-economics in Power Rivalries in the Twenty-First Century, Geopolitics, Vol. 23, No. 1, PP. 1-9. 23. Das, KH., 2017, The Making of One Belt, One Road and Dilemmas in South Asia, China Report, Vol. 53, No. 2, PP. 1-18. 24. Export Import Data Bank, 2019, Department of Commerce, in: < https://commerce-aPP.gov.in/eidb/iecnt.asp>. 25. Farzinia, Z., 2009, India-China Relations: Cooperation and Competition, Central Asia and Caucasus Journal, No. 65, PP. 15-46. 26. Fingar, T., 2016, The New Great Game: China and South and Central Asia in the Era of Reform, Stanford University Press. 27. Friedman, T., 2007, The World Is Flat: A Brief History of the Twenty-First Century, New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. 28. Ghani, W. and Shaarma, R., 2018, China-Pakistan Economic Corridor Agreement: Impact on Shareholders of Pakistani Firms, International Journal of Economics and Finance, Vol. 10, No. 1, PP. 148-158. 29. Hu, R.W. 2017, China’s ‘One Belt One Road’ Strategy: Opportunity or Challenge for India?, China Report, Vol. 53, No. 2, PP. 1-18. 30. International Monetary Fund, 2019, World economic outlook, Washington. 31. Katman, F., 2018, Great Transformation in Eurasia, Cambridge Scholars Publishing. 32. Khodagholi Pour, A.R., 2017, Belt Initiative-China's Route and Its Impact on the National Interest of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Foreign Policy Quarterly, Vol. 31, No. 1, PP. 17-49. 33. Luttwak, E.N. 1990, From Geopolitics to Geo-Economics: Logic of Conflict, Grammar of Commerce, the National Interest, No. 20, PP. 17-23. 34. Mousavi Shafaei, M., 2016, The Necessity of Transitioning from the fear Geopolitics of the Middle East to the Hope Geoeconomy of Asian, Strategic Studies Quarterly, Vol. 19, No. 4, PP. 189-192. 35. Nasirpour, G., 2019, Iran-India Relations with Future Prospects, Geopolitics Quarterly, Vol. 14, No. 4, PP. 165-187. 36. O’Brien, 1992, Global Financial Integration: The End of Geography, London: Royal Institute of International Affairs. 37. Ports and Maritime Organization, 2017, Annual Report of the Ports and Maritime Organization of the Islamic Republic of Iran: Operations Statistics System. Report of the year 2017. 38. Ports and Maritime Organization, 2019, Chabahar’s Shahid Beheshti Port Development Plan, at: <https://www.pmo.ir/en/portsandterminals>. 39. Roy, M. S., 2012, Iran: India’s gateway to Central Asia. Strategic Analysis, Vol. 36, PP. 957-997. 40. Sachdeva, G., 2018, Indian Perceptions of the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative, International Studies, Vol. 55, No. 4, PP. 285-296. 41. Scholvin, S. and Wigell, M., 2018, Power Politics by Economic means: Geo-economics as an Analytical Approach and Foreign Policy Practice, Comparative Strategy, Vol. 37, No. 1, PP. 73-84. 42. Shariati Nia, M., 2016, Economic Silk Road Belt: China-Value Chain, Quarterly of External Relations, Vol. 8, No. 3, PP. 85-133. 43. Singh, K.D.P., 2019, Strength and Challenges of OBOR Initiative: Indian Perspective, Journal of National Law University Delhi, 44. Small, A., 2015, The China-Pakistan axis: Asia’s new geopolitics. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. 45. The Guardian, 2016, India to invest $500m in Iranian port of Chabahar, Retrieved from: <https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/may/23>. 46. Ullah Khan, M., 2016, China-Africa Economic Relations, Africa Economic Forum. 47. United Nations, 2019, World Economic Situation and Prospects 2019, New York. 48. Veisi, H. 2017, Investigation of the Geopolitical and Geo-economic Competitions of Pakistan and Iran to Create South-North Corridor of Eurasia: Preferences and Threats, International Quarterly of Geopolitics, Vol. 13, No. 45, PP. 101-124. 49. Wigell, M., 2016, Conceptualizing Regional Powers’ Geo-economics Strategies: Neo-imperialism, Neo-mercantilism, Hegemony, and Liberal Institutionalism, Asia Europe, Vol.14, No. 2, PP. 135-151. 50. World Bank, 2019, Retrieved from: <https://data.worldbank.org/indicator>.
Human Geography Research
Volume 53, Issue 1
April 2021
Pages 213-226

Files

History

  • Receive Date: 24 August 2019
  • Revise Date: 07 January 2020
  • Accept Date: 07 January 2020

Share

How to cite

Statistics