نوع مقاله : مقاله علمی پژوهشی
1 استاد گروه جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشکدة جغرافیا، دانشگاه تهران
2 استادیار گروه جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشکدة جغرافیا، دانشگاه تهران
3 دانشجوی دکتری جغرافیای سیاسی، دانشکدة جغرافیا، دانشگاه تهران
عنوان مقاله [English]
Iran’s regionalism policy and strategies has different versions during the times. During most of the 20th century, the two successor states of the Ottoman and Persian Empires played only a limited role in Middle Eastern politics. Iran did have foreign policy ambitions, and his impact on the Middle East was felt mostly in the region’s east and in its petro-politics. Iran’s ability to project power and influence in its immediate environment and beyond was constrained by Soviet pressure and domestic problems. Turkey, for its part, was ruled by a secular elite oriented toward Europe. As such, during most of the latter half of the 20th century, the regional politics of the Middle East were shaped mostly by the dynamics of inter-Arab relations and by the Arab-Israeli conflict. Iran’s quest for regional hegemony after 1979 and Turkey’s shift away from Europe to its neighborhood transformed the region. The Middle East was now joined by two, large, powerful Muslim states. One important illustration of the new regional reality is the Astana Forum that since 2017 has been the major arena of the efforts to resolve the Syrian crisis. Not a single Arab state is a participant in that forum. Of the two new actors, Iran is the more ambitious and more active. It is driven by religious zeal; the geopolitical ambitions of a successor state to a great imperial past; and the anxieties of a regime worried by the enmity of the United States and such regional enemies as Israel, Saudi Arabia and, until 2003, Iraq. The Iranian leadership may well see some of its actions as defensive, but they serve in fact to exacerbate the anxieties of its rivals, thus creating a vicious cycle of defensive-offensive action and reaction.
Methodology of this study is descriptive- analytical and required information has been collected through library research. The information gathered from sources such as books, magazines, online articles, etc.
3. Result and Discussion
As it marks the 40th anniversary of the Islamic Revolution, Iran finds itself as a major actor in a transformed Middle Eastern system shaped to a considerable extent by its own actions. Forty years after its birth, the Islamic Republic is still fueled by a blend of religious zeal, geopolitical ambitions, and vested interest. The question remains open as to when—as has been the case with other great revolutions—a phase of consolidation and moderation will set in. Revolutions are often defined as mass-based movements that violently, over a relatively short span of time, bring down a regime and often lead to a restructuring of the polity and the transformation of the class structure of a society. As a result, it is commonly assumed that the country's foreign policy will also undergo fundamental changes. Iran has made many mistakes in its long diplomatic history. In the post-revolutionary period, and particularly in the early years of the Islamic revolution, Iran’s foreign policy was often characterized by provocation, agitation and subversion. Yet, while the dominant understanding of revolution is heavily intertwined with change, there has been a good deal of continuity in regional policy when it comes to post-revolutionary Iran. To trace this continuity, it is important to understand the ways in which Iran’s regional policies are viewed by elites in the country. The present paper, actually argues that both domestic and regional changes have combined to make of Iran an exceptional case study of how an Islamic revolutionary state might set about managing the post-cold war order. Accordingly, in the 1990s it was the new geopolitical realities which came to dominate the agenda of the Islamic republic, bringing Iran closer to its Eurasian hinterland (Central Asia and Cuacasia). In the new millennium, however, geopolitical complexities which has emerged as the single most significant source of threat to Iran, as well as to the West's regional interests. Attacks on both the Shi’a communities and the West have made tacit, unacknowledged allies of Iran and the West in containing its impact on the status quo in the Middle East. This has been the case, remarkably, despite the ongoing rift between Iran and the United States. The chapter traces Iran's responses to this dynamic environment and analyzes its impact on Iran's elites, outlook, and policies.
Regionalism and understanding its dimensions and foundations is one of the necessities of achieving an efficient and national interest-based foreign policy. In the geopolitical codes of the First Powers, regionalism is defined as an active strategy and a basis for increasing interaction with the world system. The history of Iranian foreign policy shows that regionalism and its patterns have not been on the agenda of designers and decision makers of Iran's political apparatus before and after Islam. Historically, regionalism has been overlooked as an approach and policy in the various governments ruling Iran. The neglect of geographical approaches and policies is to the extent that even the Achaemenes and Sassanid governments did not feel the need to interact and regionalize with their subordinate countries. However, to achieve its geopolitical goals and interests, the Islamic Republic of Iran has to develop and apply regionalism principles and approaches. In the current situation, the Islamic Republic's insistence on a purely ideological approach to its foreign relations has, to a certain extent, neglected the peripheral realities and depleted its geographical and geopolitical capacities. The present study, using a descriptive-analytical approach and based on a complementary approach, explores the principles and approaches for activating the regionalism approach in the foreign policy structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Caucasus and Central Asia. The results show that among the regionalization approaches, there are three cultural complementarity, civilization complementarity and geo-economic complementarity including the most important approaches and patterns of regionalization of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Caucasus and the Central Asia.
26. Adami, Ali, et al., 2018, Islamic Revolution and Iran-phobia project from the Arabian states, Enghelab-e Eslami Journal, Vol. 1, No. 2 [in Persian].
27. Ahmadipour, Zahra, Kavandikateb, Abolfazl, Mirzaeitabar, Meysam (2009). The Islamic World and challenges of Globalization, Zahedan: The 4th International Congress of Islamic World Geographers [in Persian].
28. Ahmadi, Hasan, Aghaei, Seyed Davoud, Mahmoudi, Reza (2015). Relations of The I.R.I and Saudi Arabia: The Fundamental Challenges and at hand Instruments, Journal of Siyasat, Vol. 40, No. 3, PP. 40-65 [in Persian].
29. Amirahmadian, Bahram, 2014, Geography of the Caucasia, Tehran: Foreign Ministry Inc. Publisher [in Persian].
30. Badiee Azandahi, Marjan; Sharifi Razavi, Majid and Mirahmadi, Fatemesadat, 2017, The reflection of political globalism on the Shanghai Organization, Journal of Practical Researches in Geographical Sciences, Vol. 4, No. 32, PP. 207-229 [in Persian].
31. Bakhtiarpour, Reza and Ezzati, Mousa (2009). Tourism and Distribution of Peace, Tehran: Safir Publisher [in Persian].
32. Pishgahifard, Zahara and Omidi Avaj, Maryam, 2009, Correlations between Iranian Ethnic groups’ distribution and the borders security, Quarterly of Geopolitics, No. 14 [in Persian].
33. Pishgahifard, Zahra; Nosrati, Shahriyar and Bazdar, Shanaz, 2015, Shiite Geopolitics and Iran’s Territoriality in Eastern Mediterranean, Journal of Shii-e Shenasi, No. 49 [in Persian].
34. Hafeznia, Mohammadreza, 2018, Principals and Foundations of Geopolitics, Mashhad: Papoli Publisher [in Persian].
35. Seyfzadeh, Seyed Hossein (2015). Different Theories in International Relations, Tehran: Safir Publisher [in Persian].
36. Shakeri, Merhdad (2007). Security and Regional Solidarity in the Middle East, Tehran: Dad Publisher [in Persian].
37. Karimipour, Yadollah et al., 2018, Explanation of the effective geopolitical factors on the strategic connections of states, Journal of Practical Researches in the Geographical Sciences, Vol. 18, No. 48 [in Persian].
38. Kohn, Saul Bernard (2008). Geopolitics of the World System, Translated by Abbas Kardan, Tehran: Abrar Moaser Publisher [in Persian].
39. Golkarami, Abed; Karimipour, Yadollah and Mottaghi, Afshin, 2018, Geopolitical explanation of the I.R.I foreign policy with emphasizing on the geo-economic capacities, Journal of Practical Researches in the Geographical Sciences, Vol. 18, No. 49, PP. 1-16 [in Persian].
40. Tabatabaei, Seyed Javad (2017). The Idea of Iranshahr, Tehran: Sales Publisher [in Persian].
41. Mottaghi, Afshin and GharehBeygi, Mosayeb, 2018, Studying of the USA and Saudi Arabia moods based on the Neo-Behaviorism theory, Journal of Afagh-e Amniayt, Vol. 11, No. 29, PP. 191-210 [in Persian].
42. Mottaghi, Afshin, 2016, Caucasian Potential Geopolitics for I.R.I Foreign Policy, Journal of New Attitudes in Human Geography, Vol. 35, No. 9, PP. 227-242 [in Persian].
43. Mojtahedzade, Pirouz, 2017, The philosophy and application of Geopolitics, Tehran: SAMT Publisher [in Persian].
44. Mohammadi, Manouchehr (2014). The Foreign Policy of the I.R.I., Tehran: Dadgostar Publisher [in Persian].
45. Moshkbid, Elahe, 2018, Explanation of the Iran’s regional moods based on the geopolitics of peace approach, PhD Dissertation of Political Geography, University of Tehran [in Persian].
46. Vasegh, M. and Ahmadi, S., 2013, Islamic Attitude toward the Role of Culture in Expanding Countries’ Sphere of Influence. Geopolitics Quarterly, Vol. 9, No. 29, PP. 60-90 [in Persian].
47. Vasegh, M.; Safavi, S. and Hosseini, S., 2016, Complementary Approach: Fundamentals and Functions; with emphasis on South East of Iran. Geopolitics Quarterly, Vol. 12, No. 41, PP. 24-59 [in Persian].
48. Vasegh, M. and Gharehbeygi, M., 2018, Digression Theory (Explanation of Divergence in Socio-political Systems). Geopolitics Quarterly, Vol. 14, No. 51, PP. 173-189 [in Persian].
49. Niknami, Javad, Ghahramani, Kiyumars, Mahmoodabadi, Seyed Aliasghar (2017). Explanation of the Sassanid’s Political Relations with Arabian Heyrah Government from the beginning to the fall, Journal of Ayaneh, Vol. 8, No. 3, PP. 37-57 [in Persian].
50. Harsij, Hossein; Toiserkani, Mojtaba and Jafari, Leyla, 2009, Geopolitcs of Iran’s Smart Power, Journal of Politics Studies, Vol. 3, No. 4, PP. 52-64 [in Persian].
51. Alterman, J., 2012, Gulf Kaleidoscopes Reflection on the Iranian Challenge, CSIS Center for Strategic International studies.
52. Andreeva, E., 2019, Russia and Iran in the great game: travelogues and orientalism (reprint ed.), Taylor & Francis.
53. Asisian, N., 2013, Russia & Iran: Strategic Alliance or Marriage of Convenience, Small Wars Journal, Vol. 13, No. 8, PP. 1-13.
54. Assiter, A., 2019, Kierkegaard, metaphysics and political theory unfinished selves. London New York: Continuum International Publishing Group.
55. Barzilai, G., 2013, Communities and Law: Politics and Cultures of Legal Identities. The University of Michigan Press.
56. Belasco, A., 2016, The Cost of Iraq, Afghanistan and other Global War on Terror Operation, Congressional Research Service, September.
57. Bielskis, A., 2015, Towards a Postmodern Understanding of the Political. Basingstoke, New York: Palgrave-Macmillan.
58. Bohman, J. and Rehg, W., 2017, Deliberative Democracy: Essays on Reason and Politics. MIT Press.
59. Bouchard, T.J. and McGue, M., 2013, Genetic and environmental influences on human psychological differences. Journal of Neurobiology, Vol. 54, No. 1, PP. 44-55.
60. Clawson, P., 2015, Eternal Iran Coauthored with Michael Rubin, Palgrave.
61. Commons, M.L., 2018, A short history of the Society for the Quantitative Analysis of Behavior, Behavior Analyst Today, Vol. 2, No. 3, PP. 275-279.
62. Ehteshami, A., 2018, "The foreign policy of Iran". In Raymond Hinnebusch, Anoushiravan Ehteshami (ed.). The foreign policies of Middle East states. Boulder, Col.: Lynne Rienner publ. pp. 283–290.
63. Eliasi, L.J. and Eysenck, H.J., 2014, Genetics and the development of social attitudes. Nature, Vol. 249, No. 2, PP. 280-289.
64. Ganter. M., (2018). Arab–Kurdish Relations and the Future of Iraq,” Third World Quarterly Vol. 32, No. 9, PP. 16-27.Gutmann, A. and Dennis, F., 2016, Democracy and Disagreement. Harvard University Press.
65. Hatemi, P. K.; Hibbing, J.; Alford, J.; Martin, N. and Eaves, L., 2019, "Is there a 'party' in your genes?". Political Research Quarterly. Vol. 62, No. 3, PP. 54-62.
66. Hatemi, P. K.; Medland, S. E.; Morley, K. I.; Heath, A. C. and Martin, N. G., 2007, The genetics of voting: An Australian twin study. Behavior Genetics. Vol. 37, No. 3, PP. 435-448.
67. Jilla, A. and Thompson, D., 2014, Why Deliberative Democracy?. Princeton University Press.
68. Kolodziej, E.A., 2015, Security and International Relations, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
69. Light, J. and Vukovic, P., 2019, Potential Iranian hegemony in oil producing Islamic countries: Implications for oil geopolitics, Moscow: Potencijalna hegemonija Irana među islamskim zemljama.
70. Losensky, P., 2019, Farid ad-Din ʻAttār's Memorial of God's friends: lives and sayings of Sufis Classics of Western spirituality, Paulist Press.
71. Magri, P. and Annalisa, P., 2017, Post-Vote Iran: Giving engagement a chance. Ledizioni. PP. 50-61.
72. Markus, K. et al., 2013, Individualism, Collectivism, and Authoritarianism in Seven Societies. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology. Vol. 34, No. 3, PP. 304-322.
73. Meadwell, H., 2019, A Rational Choice Approach to Political Regionalism. Comparative Politics. Vol. 23, No. 4, PP. 401-421.
74. Nelson, E., 2018, The Hebrew Republic: Jewish Sources and the Transformation of European Political Thought. Harvard University Press.
75. Newsom, D., (2019). United States policy toward the Gulf (Persian), ed. R.G.Waif, Washington D.C: Georgetown University.
76. O’Lear, S., 2014, Resources and Conflict in the Caspian Sea, Journal of Geopolitics, Vol. 9, No. 1, PP. 3-13.
77. Parkinson, J. and Mansbridge, J., 2018, Deliberative Systems: Deliberative Democracy at the Large Scale. Cambridge University Press.
78. Reus-Smit, C., (2018). “The Strange Death of Liberal International Theory.” European Journal of International Law Vol. 12, No. 3 (2): 573-599.
79. Roberts, A., (1998). The State of Socialism: A Note on Terminology. Cambridge University Press. Vol. 63, No. 2, PP. 129-136.
80. Settle, J.E.; Dawes, C.T. and Fowler, J.H., 2019, The heritability of partisan attachment, Political Research Quarterly, Vol. 62, No. 4, PP. 61-69.
81. Shaffer, B., 2013, Islam, Iran, and Prospects for Stabilityin the Caspian Region, Belfour Center Programs or Projects: Strengthening Democratic Institutions Project.
82. Visser, D., 2010, The Kurdish Issue in Iraq: The View from Baghdad at the Close of the Maliki Premiership, The Fletcher Forum of World Affairs, Vol. 34, No. 1, PP. 77-93.