گسترش قلمرو ناتو در مناطق بالتیک، دریای سیاه، و اروپای شرقی و پیامدهای آن برای جمهوری اسلامی ایران

نوع مقاله : مقاله علمی پژوهشی

نویسندگان

1 استادیار جغرافیای سیاسی دانشگاه تهران

2 دانشیار جغرافیای سیاسی دانشگاه تهران

3 دکترای جغرافیای سیاسی دانشگاه تهران

چکیده

سازمان پیمان آتلانتیک شمالی (ناتو) اکنون شانزدهمین همسایة مرزهای آبی و خاکی جمهوری اسلامی ایران است. این سازمان با تأکید بر راهبرد تأمین امنیت منطقة جغرافیایی یوروآتلانتیک با حضور پویا در خارج از منطقه به قلمروسازی در مناطق مختلف جهان از جمله در مناطق پیرامونی جمهوری اسلامی ایران پرداخته است. حضور فراجغرافیایی ناتو در مرزهای شمالی جمهوری اسلامی ایران با تأکید بر مناطق بالتیک، دریای سیاه، و اروپای شرقی موضوع اصلی پژوهش حاضر است. نویسندگان تلاش دارند به این پرسش اصلی پاسخ دهند که ناتو چگونه در حال قلمروسازی در مناطق ژئوپلیتیکی شمال دور جمهوری اسلامی ایران است؟ با روش توصیفی‏- تحلیلی و با استفاده از روش گردآوری اطلاعات کتابخانه‏ای، اینترنتی، و رسانه‏ای، فرضیة اصلی مقاله عبارت است از اینکه «ناتو تلاش دارد برای حفظ و گسترش حاکمیت ارزش‏های لیبرال‏- دموکراسی و بازار آزاد به‏عنوان موتور محرک نظام جهانی معاصر با بهره‏بردن از راهبردهای گسترش مرزهای سیاسی رسمی، گسترش مرزهای سیاسی غیررسمی، مأموریت‏های بشردوستانه، همکاری‏های دفاعی و امنیتی و گسترش دفاتر سازمانی و اداری، قلمرو خود را با حضور در مناطق ژئوپلیتیکی شمال دور جمهوری اسلامی ایران گسترش دهد». یافته‏های پژوهش حاضر نشان می‏دهد افزایش همکاری‏های ناتو با همسایگان جمهوری اسلامی ایران در منطقه‏های ژئوپلیتیکی شمالِ دور امنیت ملی جمهوری اسلامی ایران را با پیامدهای مختلف یک، نظامی و امنیتی، دو، سیاسی، سه، اقتصادی و تجاری، و چهار، فرهنگی و اجتماعی مواجه می‏کند. بنابراین، ضروری است مسئولان ذی‏ربط در جمهوری اسلامی ایران توجه به فعالیت‏های این سازمان در مناطق ژئوپلیتیکی شمال دور کشور را مورد توجه جدی قرار دهند.

کلیدواژه‌ها

موضوعات


عنوان مقاله [English]

Expansion of NATO Territory in the Baltic Region, the Black Sea, and Eastern Europe, and its Consequences for Islamic Republic of Iran

نویسندگان [English]

  • Mahmoud Vasegh 1
  • Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf 2
  • Majid Gholami 3
1 Assistant Professor of Political Geography, University of Tehran
2 Associate Professor of Political Geography
3 Ph.D. in Political Geography from the University of Tehran
چکیده [English]

Introduction
Following the foundation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1949, while trying to keep the Russians in a anticipatory limbo, the Americans deeply involved, and the Germans neutral, NATO has so far shifted its security priorities twice. The first shift took place in 1999 when Warsaw Pact’s priority shifted to identifying new threats, cooperation opportunities, and associations with former enemies, and the second happened in 2010, resulting in its concurrent accompaniment by the priorities of collective defense, crisis management, and common security. This recent shift led to the establishment of the third generation of NATO, causing the organization to be present outside its traditional region more than before. By providing the most comprehensive interpretation of its existence, NATO is present in all parts of the world and engages in various military, security, political, social, cultural, environmental, scientific, and even sports activities with various political units. This trans-geographical presence of NATO, accompanied by the creation of formal organizational structures, has made the organization to be directly and indirectly present in all borders of Iran, a presence that has irreparable impacts on national security as well as the regional role of the country, not only in the short term but in the future also.
Accordingly, this article tries to examine the quality in which the boundaries of this organization are expanding in the geopolitical regions in the far north of Iran, where the authors are trying to proceed using the concept of geopolitical territoriality. The main question of the research is “How is NATO expanding its territory in the Baltic Region, the Black Sea, and Eastern Europe?” Post-Soviet Union power vacuum, enormous sources of energy, and racial and ethnic diversity in these areas, have given them double-fold importance. In response to the present question, the authors believe that "NATO is trying to preserve and extend the sovereignty of liberal values of democracy and free market as the driving force of contemporary global order by utilizing the strategies of expanding official political boundaries, expanding unofficial political boundaries, humanitarian missions, defense and security cooperation, and expansion of its organizational and administrative offices. In this way, it can further expand its territories through a long-lasting presence in the Black Sea, Russia, and the geopolitical regions of the Baltic Sea and Eastern Europe in the far north of Iran.” It is noteworthy to mention that regarding the research background, in spite of a general shortage of geopolitical studies on NATO in domestic literature, a lack of research and studies focusing on its new approaches based on different regions and states is strongly felt.
Methodology
The research is fundamental, collecting its data collection via library resources and documentary research. The data analysis method is deductive reasoning and the data evaluation approach is based on critical rationality.
Results and Discussion
In a geopolitical clarification, NATO is expanding its territory. In other words, NATO is trying to expand its geographical value outside its original region to preserve and expand the sovereignty of liberal values ​​of democracy and the free market, as a driving force behind contemporary global order. This means territoriality. Accordingly, a review of NATO's documents and performance as well as its leaders’ speeches show that they have adopted some approaches to this end, which include:
A: Expansion of official political boundaries
B: Expansion of participatory political boundaries
C: Defense and security cooperation
D: Expansion of organizational and administrative offices
Conclusion
The planning and operation of NATO's territorialization and territoriality projects as a military-security institution that pursues the protection of liberal values of democracy and the free market clearly contradicts the slogans and objectives of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. These agendas are manifestly in conflict with the discourse of the Islamic Republic as well as the geopolitical territorialization of our country. It is evident that neighboring this organization, which is not only present on the northern borders of Iran, but also on the eastern, southern and western borders, has its consequences for Iran's national security. Given these interpretations, the expansion of NATO's sphere of influence in the geopolitical areas of Russia, the Baltic Region, the Black Sea, and Eastern Europe, though without any common border with our country, poses challenges to our country’s national security in different dimensions such as:

Political consequences
Trade and economic consequences
Military and security implications
Cultural and social consequences

Finally, the authors recommend that a great deal of attention should be paid to the national security of the country and pertinent authorities have to show more attention and supervision to the consequences of the organization's geopolitical territorialization. Therefore, the following operational proposals are offered in this regard:

Bilateral and multilateral talks with NATO official and unofficial members located on the northern borders of Iran on the subject of “the damages of NATO’s expansive territorialization to the national security of Iran and the challenges lying ahead of the bilateral or multilateral relations”,
Strengthening our security and intelligence presence in the countries of the northern region of Iran, in which NATO is active, with the aim of monitoring and observing the activities of this organization,
Holding specialized and international conferences on the issue of the damages of NATO's territorialization in the northern borders of Iran and its contribution to increased crises of Central Asia, the Caucasus, and the Caspian region, and
Further efforts to introduce NATO and its multiple scientific, cultural, political, economical, military, social and artistic elements in Iran's scientific and academic literature which has been seriously neglected so far.

کلیدواژه‌ها [English]

  • NATO
  • Territoriality
  • Iran
  • Russia
  • Baltic
  • Black Sea and Eastern Europe
  1. حافظ‏نیا، محمدرضا، 1392، اصول و مفاهیم ژئوپلیتیک، مشهد: پاپلی.
  2. کولایی، الهه؛ ماندانا تیشه‏یار و محمدی، محمود، 1386، سازمان پیمان آتلانتیک شمالی؛ دگرگونی در مأموریت‏ها و کارکردها، تهران: انتشارات دانشگاه تهران.
  3. کولایی، الهه و گودرزی، مهناز، 1392، دریای خزر؛ چالشها و چشم‏اندازها، تهران: نشر میزان.
  4. رومینا، ابراهیم، 1392، «تحلیلی بر مناطق ژئوپلیتیکی در جنوب‏غرب آسیا»، همایش ملی ژئوپلیتیک جنوب‏غرب آسیا.
  5. محسنی، محمدرضا، 1392، پان‏ترکیسم، ایران و آذربایجان، تهران: نشر سمرقند.
    1. Allin, D., 2002, NATO's Balkan Interventions, London: Routledge.
    2. Aybet, G., 2014, NATO Conditionality in Bosnia and Herzegovina; Defense Reform and State-Building, Problems of Post-Communism Journal, Vol. 57, No. 5.
    3. Bechev, D., 2016, NATO summit: Focus will be on Black Sea security, 5 July, Available at http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2016/06/nato-summit-focus-black-sea-security-160629071029770.html.
    4. Borawski, J., 1995, Partnership for Peace and Beyond, International Affairs. Royal Institute of International Affairs, April.

10. Børgensen, B. K., 2011, NATO and International Terrorism: Can NATO Move Beyond Controversy? Copenhagen: DIIS REPORT.

11. Chivvis, C. S., 2008, The Making of Macedonia, Survival; Global Politics and Strategy, Vol. 50, No. 2.

12. Daalder, I. and Stavridis, J., 2012, NATO’s Victory in Libya: The Right Way to Run an Intervention, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 91, No. 2.

13. Dempsey, J., 2010, The Peril that NATO can’t ignore. In www.acus.org/natosource/peril-nato-cant-ignore.

14. Flint, C., 2012, Introduction to Geopolitics. Routledge.

15. Global Research, 2011, NATO’s Eastern Anchor. 24 NATO bases in Turkey’February 14, Available at: http://www.globalresearch.ca/nato-s-eastern-anchor-24-nato-bases-in-turkey/2320.

16. Goodenough, P., 2017, 13 Allies Pay Less Than 1%,  March 20, Available at: www.cnsnews.com/news/article/patrick-goodenough/us-pays-2214-nato-budget-germany-1465-13-allies-pay-below-1.

17. Hafeznia, M. R., 2013, Geopolitical principles and concepts. Mashhad: Papolli Publications.

18. Hyde-Price, A., 2011, NATO’s Political Transformation and International Order. Copenhagen: DIIS REPORT.

19. Jones, M. et al., 2004, An Introduction to Political Geography. London: Routledge.

20. Kolaei, E. and Goodarzi, M., 2013, The Caspian Sea; Challenges and Prospects. Tehran: Mizan Publication.

21. Kolaei, E.; Tisheyar M. and Mohammadi, M., 2007, The North Atlantic Treaty Organization; Transformations in Missions and Functions, Tehran: Tehran University Press.

22. Kulesa, L. and Shetty, S., 2017, Trump, Putin and the Growing Risk of Military Escalation, Policy Brief, June, Available at https://www.europeanleadershipnetwork.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/170704-Trump-Putin-and-the-Growing-Risk-of-Military-Escalation.pdf

23. M. S., 2015, Why Turkey called a NATO Article Four consultation, 28 Jul, Available at: http://www.economist.com/blogs/economist-explains/2015/07/economist-explains-21

24. MacAskill, E., 2014, Close military encounters between Russia and the west 'at cold war levels'The Guardian, UK, Retrieved 2014-12-28.

25. Mohseni, M. R., 2013, Pan-Turkism, Iran and Azerbaijan, Tehran: Samarkand Publication.

26. NATO press, 2016, NATO Ballistic Missile Defence, Available at: http://www.nato.int/nato_static_fl2014/assets/pdf/pdf_2016_07/20160630_1607-factsheet-bmd-en.pdf.

27. NATO Summit Bucharest, 2008, Available at: http://www.summitbucharest.ro/en/doc_206.html

28. Necsutu, M., 2017, NATO To Open Liaison Office in Moldova, Available at: http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/nato-to-open-liaison-office-in-moldova-11-23-2017.

29. Pike, J., 2016, Russia Warns Against NATO Missiles on Syrian Border, Available at: www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/news/2012/11/mil-121122-rianovosti02.html.

30. Rathke, J.; Szeligowski, D. and Zasztowt, K., 2016, How Can NATO Contribute to Ukraine and Georgia’s Border Security?, PISM Policy Papers, Vol. 12, No. 153, Available at: https://www.pism.pl/Publications/PISM-Policy-Paper-no-153.

31. Ringsmose, J. and Rynning, S., 2011, NATO’s new strategic concept: a comprehensive assessment. DIIS REPORT.

32. Rock, M. Y., 2014, Constructing Territory. Available at: www.eeducation.psu.edu/geog128/node/538.

33. Rogers, J. and Romanovs, U., 2015, NATO’s Eastern Flank: Rebuilding Deterrence?, RUSI Newsbrief, Vol. 35, No. 3.

34. Romina, I., 2013, An Analysis of Geopolitical Zones in Southwest Asia, First National Conference of Southwest Asian Geopolitics.

35. Rosenberg, M., 2015, In Reversal, Obama Says U.S. Soldiers Will Stay in Afghanistan to 2017. The New York Times, October 15.

36. Rozoff, R., 2012, GLOBAL MILITARY ALLIANCE: Partners across the Globe: NATO Consolidates a Worldwide Military Force, Global Research, April 27, Available at: http://www.globalresearch.ca/global-military-alliance-partners-across-the-globe-nato consolidates-a-worldwide-military-force/30566.

37. Schmidt, M. S. and Chan, V., 2016, NATO Will Send Ships to Aegean Sea to Deter Human Trafficking, The New York Times, FEB. 11, Available at: http://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/12/world/europe/nato-aegean-migrant-crisis.html?_r=0.

38. Shane, S., 2010, NATO Balanced Baltic and Russian Anxieties, The New York Times, December 6.

39. Sten, A., 2014, The Limits of Partnership: U.S.-Russian Relations in the Twenty-First Century, USA, Princeton University Pres.

40. Stoltenberg, J., 2016a, NATO stands in support of Iraq. Available at: http://nato.int/cps/en/natohq/news_136011.htm?selectedLocale=en.

41. Stoltenberg, J., 2016b, Foreign Ministers agree NATO must do more to project stability in its neighbourhood, 19 May, Available at: http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/news_131197.htm?selectedLocale=en.

42. Stoltenberg, J., 2016c, Six NATO nations eager to increase Black Sea presence, 26 Oct, Available at https://www.rt.com/news/364226-nato-black-sea-stoltenberg/.

43. Stoltenberg, J., 2016d, Diplomacy offers the only viable solution to the crisis in Ukraine, 07 Dec. Aviliable At: https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/opinions_138760.htm

44. Torelli, S. M., 2016, Turkey and NATO as seen from Ankara, 26 May, Available at: https://www.opendemocracy.net/can-europe-make-it/stefano-m-torelli/turkey-and-nato view-from-ankara.

45. UIA, 2016, Majority of Ukrainians would favor Ukraine membership in EU and NATOUNIAN Information Agency, 4 February Aviliable At: https://www.unian.info/society/1255397-majority-of-ukrainians-would-favor-ukraine-membership-in-eu-and-nato-poll.html.

46. Unverdi, G. B., 2015, To what extent is the gradual deterioration in NATO-Russia relations between 1991-2014 causally related to NATO's eastward expansion in Eastern-Europe?, MA thesis: Leiden University.

47. White House, 2004, Fact Sheet: the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative, June, Available at: https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2004/06/20040628-2.html.

48. Winiczenko, H., 2017, Test Your Capabilities and Get Ready for The Future to Keep Our Nations Safe, JFTC Magazine, No. 10. Available at: http://www.jftc.nato.int/newsroom/jftc-magazine.

49. Wittmann, K., 2011, An Alliance for the 21st Century? Reviewing NATO’s New Strategic Concept. Copenhagen: DIIS REPORT.

50. Zhukov, Y. M., 2016, NATO's Mediterranean Mission, Foreign Affairs, February 21, Available at: https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/europe/2016-02-21/natos-mediterranean-mission.